By Steve Pincus
For 2 hundred years historians have considered England’s wonderful Revolution of 1688–1689 as an un-revolutionary revolution—bloodless, consensual, aristocratic, and exceptionally, good. during this exceptional new interpretation Steve Pincus refutes this conventional view.
By increasing the interpretive lens to incorporate a broader geographical and chronological body, Pincus demonstrates that England’s revolution was once a ecu occasion, that it happened over a few years, no longer months, and that it had repercussions in India, North the US, the West Indies, and all through continental Europe. His wealthy historic narrative, in line with plenty of recent archival examine, lines the transformation of English overseas coverage, non secular tradition, and political economic system that, he argues, was once the meant outcome of the revolutionaries of 1688–1689.
James II constructed a modernization software that emphasised centralized keep watch over, repression of dissidents, and territorial empire. The revolutionaries, against this, took good thing about the recent monetary percentages to create a bureaucratic yet participatory nation. The postrevolutionary English country emphasised its ideological holiday with the earlier and expected itself as carrying on with to adapt. All of this, argues Pincus, makes the fantastic Revolution—not the French Revolution—the first actually smooth revolution. This wide-ranging booklet reenvisions the character of the fantastic Revolution and of revolutions in most cases, the motives and outcomes of commercialization, the character of liberalism, and eventually the origins and features of modernity itself.
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Additional resources for 1688: The First Modern Revolution (The Lewis Walpole Series in Eighteenth-C)
Against Sacheverell’s assertions, the Whig politicians argued, in short, that in 1688–89 the English people rose up all across the land to overthrow a despotic king and that they were justified in doing so. The revolutionaries, they asserted, had not only dethroned a tyrant, they had engineered a fundamental transformation of the English state. The revolution, the Whig managers and their allies insisted in front of the House of Lords, acting in their capacity as judges, established the principle of popular sovereignty.
Despite these important interpretative, analytical, and (one suspects) normative differences, these two dominant explanations for revolution share a great deal. Both are fundamentally stories about modernization. Both emphasize that revolutions occur in societies in which social and economic modernization has made the state appear to be outmoded, to be an ancien régime. ”7 In contrast to both the classical modernizing and class struggle perspectives, I suggest that revolutions occur only when states have embarked on ambitious state modernization programs.
But, they insisted, the revolution had marked a fundamental turning point. The Dissenter Andrew Kippis admitted that the religious liberty established at the revolution was “far short” of the “enlarged and philosophical principles” of the late eighteenth century. ”19 Opposition Whigs frequently noted that the revolutionaries of 1688–89 transformed English foreign policy. In the 1720s and 1730s Sir Robert Walpole’s opponents emphasized that his pacific foreign policy represented a betrayal of revolution principles.