By N. Briscoe
Britain used to be arguably the only maximum catalyst and beneficiary of UN peacekeeping operations in the course of the post-war interval. This ebook analyses the explanations for this, together with the post-colonial conflicts which Britain passed the UN and its selection to make sure that peacekeeping developed in a fashion suitable with united kingdom nationwide pursuits. regardless of preliminary ambivalence approximately letting the UN run army operations, Britain many times used the association, to shed colonial duties, shop face, proportion policing burdens, and stabilise conflicts in delicate areas. This finished survey first examines united kingdom event with antecedents of UN operations, particularly nineteenth century colonial policing and missions arrange lower than the League of countries. It then analyses British efforts to persuade, comprise and make the most person UN operations, together with the Emergency strength demonstrated following the Suez problem (1956-67), the strength within the Congo (1960-64), and the iconic operation in Cyprus (1967-). additionally coated are numerous cases while British Governments most well-liked to intrude unilaterally, together with in Jordan and Kuwait. one of many major contributions of the booklet is the targeted research of inner united kingdom govt and UN documents, which the writer makes use of to reconstruct the coverage making strategy. The booklet additionally sheds gentle at the peacekeeping regulations of convinced different key states, rather the united states and USSR. ultimately, the account addresses a few problems with modern relevance, together with the stress among neutrality and impartiality, peacekeeping in a semi-permissive atmosphere, and using strength.
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Additional resources for Britain and UN Peacekeeping 1948–67
UNTSO enabled Britain to escape a political and military quagmire, and the British believed that it helped them preserve some of their standing in the Middle East; UNMOGIP reduced tensions between two key members of the Commonwealth. UNTSO also established a useful precedent, namely that it was the prerogative of the head of the operation (which would normally be the Secretary-General) to propose the contingents to be included. It was far easier to bring pressure to bear on an international civil servant to exclude undesirable nationalities than to battle things out in the Security Council.
That the real reason for such misgivings might have been the desire to circumscribe as far Antecedents and Early UN Observer Missions 35 as possible the UN’s capacity to interfere in British colonial affairs is suggested by the resentment which was already growing in Whitehall and among ministers at the UN’s activities in the trusteeship field. Less than two years after the UN had started to function, its potential for causing trouble had been considered sufficiently serious to be raised at a Colonial Office meeting of African Governors in November 1947.
This chapter focuses on the events of the few months from President Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal Company in July 1956 to the deployment of UNEF in December, following the attack on Egypt by Israeli, British and French forces in late October. The chapter begins with a brief survey of British foreign and colonial policy at the time, followed by an overview of the background to, and course of, the Suez crisis. The focus then turns to the British Government’s failed attempt to have British troops incorporated into UNEF, followed by its equally fruitless efforts to control UNEF’s composition and tasks.