By Richard K. Betts
Edited via the most popular students within the box, Richard Betts' Conflict After the chilly War assembles vintage and modern readings on enduring difficulties of foreign safeguard.
Offering huge old and philosophical breadth, the rigorously selected and excerpted decisions during this renowned reader support scholars interact key debates over the way forward for struggle and the hot varieties that violent clash will take. Conflict After the chilly War encourages nearer scrutiny of the political, financial, social, and army elements that force warfare and peace.
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Extra resources for Conflict After the Cold War: Arguments on Causes of War and Peace
Yet another unfortunate legacy of Marxism is our tendency to retreat into materialist or utilitarian explanations of political or-historical phenomena, and our disinclination to believe in the autonomous power of ideas. A recent example of this is Paul Kennedy’s hugely successful The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, which ascribes the decline of great powers to simple economic overextension. Obviously, this is true on some level: an empire whose economy is barely above the level of subsistence cannot bankrupt its treasury indefinitely.
4For the full-length version of these arguments, see Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992). Responses to early attacks on the argument can be found in Fukuyama’s “A Reply to My Critics,” The National Interest No. 18 (Winter 1989/90). See also Fukuyama, “Second Thoughts: The Last Man in a Bottle,” The National Interest, No. 56 (Summer 1999). 5A more academic and detailed version of the argument can be found in John J. Mearsheimer, “Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War,” International Security 15, no.
At present, no more than 20 percent of its economy has been marketized, and most importantly it continues to be ruled by a self-appointed Communist party which has given no hint of wanting to devolve power. Deng has made none of Gorbachev’s promises regarding democratization of the political system and there is no Chinese equivalent of glasnost. The Chinese leadership has in fact been much more circumspect in criticizing Mao and Maoism than Gorbachev with respect to Brezhnev and Stalin, and the regime continues to pay lip service to Marxism-Leninism as its ideological underpinning.