By Jonathan Goodhand, Benedikt Korf, Jonathan Spencer
The interval among 2001 and 2006 observed the increase and fall of an the world over supported attempt to convey a prolonged violent clash in Sri Lanka to a calm answer. A ceasefire contract, signed in February 2002, used to be by way of six rounds of peace talks, yet growing to be political violence, disagreements over middle concerns and a fragmentation of the constituencies of the main events ended in an eventual breakdown. within the wake of the failed peace method a brand new govt pursued a powerful ‘war for peace’ resulting in the army defeat of the LTTE at the battlefields of the north east in may well 2009. This ebook brings jointly a special variety of views in this tricky and eventually unsuccessful peace process.
The contributions are established upon wide box examine and written via major Sri Lankan and foreign researchers and practitioners. The framework of ‘liberal peacebuilding’ offers an analytical start line for exploring the advanced and unpredictable interactions among foreign and family gamers through the war-peace-war interval. the teachings drawn from the Sri Lankan case have vital implications within the context of wider debates at the ‘liberal peace’ and submit clash peacebuilding – relatively as those debates have mostly been formed through the ‘high profile’ situations resembling Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. This booklet is of curiosity not just to Sri Lanka experts but in addition to the broader policy/practitioner viewers, and is an invaluable contribution to South Asian studies.
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Additional resources for Conflict and Peacebuilding in Sri Lanka: Caught in the Peace Trap?
In recent years there has been a growing critical literature which questions both the ethics and efficacy of external intervention in civil wars, leading to a search for refinements in or alternatives to the existing ‘model’. Rather than blaming the failure of the project on deficiencies in its execution and the recalcitrance of the people involved, there is clearly a need to look at defects in the project itself and to explore alternatives to the current model of liberal peacebuilding. In the Sri Lankan case, to understand why and how this failure occurred, one must look at the interface between international and domestic politics – the bargaining processes, trade-offs, disjunctures.
The government 22 Jayadeva Uyangoda also relied on Yakusi Akashi, the Japanese peace envoy, to communicate to the LTTE the massive economic incentives waiting, if it returned to negotiations. But the LTTE resisted the lure of post-conflict development assistance by the international donor community. For the LTTE, the political gains of negotiations seemed to be more important than economic dividends of peace. In other words, political ‘grievances’ were more immediate than economic ‘greed’ as a source of incentives for the LTTE to stay away from negotiations.
Although direct peace talks between the government and the LTTE, supported by major international actors, had a great deal of promise to end in a peace agreement, after March 2003, negotiations remained suspended. The new Sri Lankan government of the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and the LTTE did return to the negotiation table in early 2006, but it was only as a prelude to, or an excuse for, returning to full-scale war. The formal collapse of the CFA in January 2008 marked the transition of Sri Lanka’s undeclared war to a new phase of formal and intense war and finally the military defeat of the LTTE.